Overview: America's Role
Our role and leadership in the world matters: America is the lone superpower in an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world. Along with that awesome and unprecedented power comes responsibilities to humankind and to the planet itself.
America’s reason for maintaining her superpower status must be to export the best of our democratic system of governance and the hope of the American Dream to the rest of the world. But these cherished ideals can’t be exported through force. We must teach and lead by example.
Consequently, being a superpower involves more than having the most powerful military in the world. We cannot be the most powerful nation on earth by having the best weaponry, if the people’s needs are neglected. Nor can we lead by example until we recommit to the basic values of peace, human rights and freedom.
We must recognize that many of the challenges we face as a nation are global in nature, and that America cannot run from those challenges, nor can we tackle them alone.
Teaching by example means modeling the behaviors we want others to emulate. We must respect the rule of law. We must respect civil rights and liberties. We must advance equality of opportunity.
We must stand firmly for human rights renouncing in all circumstances torture, assassinations and kidnappings as political tools, illegal detention, cruel and unusual punishment and the death penalty.
The United States of America must renounce the doctrine of preemption, once again promising the world that we will work to build a world of peace where, in the words of President John F. Kennedy, “the weak are safe and the strong are just.”
If we want other nations to work cooperatively to address our world’s threats, challenges and conflicts, we must do the same. We must build up institutions that draw on the input and resources of all nations to solve our global problems. We must act collaboratively.
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Africa Hunger & Debt Relief
I support increasing debt relief, development assistance and health care funding for sub-Saharan Africa. According to the World Bank, the 58 most indebted countries owed $426 billion to foreign creditors in 2004. To repay these loans, these countries are forced to eliminate important investments in schools, health care, roads, communications and agriculture that are essential for economic development. In addition, these nations have faced falling commodity prices that have undermined their ability to repay their debts. The average African country spends twice as much on debt repayment as they spend on providing health care.
I am also a strong supporter of fully funding the Millennium Challenge Account and other aid programs, such as the Food for Peace Program, that help the poorest nations. I was pleased to see that the President requested $3 billion in his budget for the Millennium Challenge Account this year. The Millennium Challenge Account provides support for developing countries that promote democracy and the rule of law, invest in their citizens, and pursue free-market economic policies.
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Burma
The human rights situation in Burma is appalling. I support continued sanctions on Burma's ruling regime due to their total disregard for the civil rights of their citizens. I voted in favor of the Burma Freedom and Democracy Act in 2003, banning imports from Burma. I am proud of the efforts of activists throughout the United States and the world to draw attention to the plight of the Burmese people, and especially proud that the Free Burma Coalition had its roots in Wisconsin.
As their1990 election made clear, the Burmese people want a democratic government. We must stand up for democracy throughout the world. The United States must also continue to highlight the terrible human rights abuses occurring in Burma, including torture, forced labor, arbitrary arrest, child labor, rape and murder. I support the full range of U.S. sanctions against the ruling regime unit until it ends human rights abuses.
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China
I believe that the United States should continue to engage China in an ongoing dialogue about trade issues. But our dialogue should not be limited to a discussion of economic concerns. America’s interests are broadly based, reflecting such democratic values as free speech, freedom of religion, the right to privacy, and the right to organize. Trade is only a part of our relationship with China.
Our China policy is not working. Economic liberalization is not producing political reform. In fact, the Chinese government’s policy is precisely the opposite—use consumerism to prevent democratization. The Chinese policy is to engage on economic matters and to continue political, religious and human rights oppression. China still imprisons or exiles religious leaders who question the current regime, and continues its policies of resettling Tibet with ethnic Chinese, arresting and prosecuting Falun Gong practitioners, using forced labor, and torturing activists struggling to win basic rights for workers. There are more than 230,000 prisoners in forced labor camps—most are held without a trial and many are held without even being charged with a crime.
I voted against extending Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) because I believe we cannot reward China for lack of substantive progress on human rights and labor standards. I am also opposed to China's membership in the WTO at this time.
It is my hope that the Administration broadens its policy of engagement and restores the link between human rights and trade.
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Columbia
I am very concerned about the human rights situation in Colombia. Years of civil war, anti-drug efforts, and state sanctioned repression have resulted in more than 1.6 million displaced persons, many of them children. Paramilitary death squads and revolutionary guerrillas have led to an escalation of violence over the past decade. The unwillingness of the Colombian government to prevent a paramilitary campaign of violent repression has left the average Colombian with few options for security and a decent livelihood.
I traveled to Colombia in 1993 to see the situation first hand. It was clear that U.S. military aid and equipment that was intended to fight drug traffickers was being misused to suppress political opposition.
Colombia is the third-largest recipient of U.S. foreign aid after Israel and Egypt. In spite of this aid, the Colombian government has made no serious efforts to disband right-wing paramilitary groups. Aid to Colombia must be directed to address the humanitarian crisis, the economic crisis, and to support democratic accountability. I believe that our military aid only results in more violence in Colombia.
Recently I joined several of my colleagues in Congress in writing a letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice requesting that the U.S. withhold military aid to Colombia unless the military officers responsible for killings in the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó are replaced and the Colombian military makes a commitment to human rights.
I will continue to work closely with Colombian human rights activists, like the Madison-based Colombia Support Network, to develop a sensible U.S. policy in Colombia. We need a policy focused on helping the people, not escalating the violence. I will oppose additional military aid under the current circumstances.
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Conflict Diamonds
I am in favor of legislation to address the issue of conflict diamonds. So-called “conflict
diamonds” are mined in rebel controlled areas of Africa with the revenues
of their sale used to fund insurgencies and horrible human rights abuses.
The trade in conflict diamonds has funded maiming, kidnapping, torture and
murder in many parts of the world.
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Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW)
I believe it is critically important that the United State be a world leader
in eliminating discrimination against women. The Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) requires nations to
take action to equalize the status of women to provide equal opportunity
to fully participate in social, political and economic life. CEDAW is awaiting
ratification by the U.S. Senate. The United States is one of a handful of
countries that has not ratified the treaty. I strongly support the ratification.
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Cuba
Our current policy of isolating Cuba is a relic of the Cold War which is doing little to create political change, but clearly is causing continued hardship for the people of Cuba. I believe it is in the best interest of the United States and the Cuban people to increase our economic and political contacts.
I believe we need to engage in a comprehensive review of our nation's policy toward Cuba. With almost 40 years of isolation, we are not closer to achieving our policy objectives. We need to evaluate other approaches. Consequently, I have voted to reverse U.S.-Cuba travel restrictions and lift the embargo.
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Defense Spending
I believe that current U.S. defense policy reflects misplaced priorities, wrong choices, excessive spending, and a failure to make hard choices. I am also concerned that Congress has failed to assert any meaningful oversight over the war in Iraq which has been mismanaged from the very beginning.
With the passage of the 2006 fiscal year Defense Authorization Act, our annual defense spending is now at $490.7 billion, including additional funding for the war in Iraq. This will account for 55% of all discretionary spending. In real terms (adjusted for inflation), it will be 20% higher than the average defense budget during the Cold War. We now spend just shy of a million dollars a minute, 24 hours a day, 365 days a year on defense spending.
I take extremely seriously my oath of office that obligates me to provide for the protection of the American people. Providing for our common defense is critical, but like other federal government programs, we are bound to ensure that each dollar is spent wisely.
Not only is our current defense budget a record, it is also nearly as large as the defense budgets of every other country in the world combined. According to estimates by the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation, all nations except for the United States are spending a total of $527 billion. This includes our NATO allies.
In March 2003, before the Iraq war began, I wrote to the President with 22 of my colleagues to ask him to specifically define our objectives and to provide an exit strategy. We asked the President a number of questions including: “Under what circumstances will our military occupation of (and financial commitment to) Iraq end? And how will we know when these circumstances are present.” We, and the American people, never received an answer to these crucial questions. Even today, the Administration is unwilling or unable to answer. This is simply unacceptable.
It is absolutely essential that President Bush formulate an exit strategy that clearly specifies our objectives, benchmarks to measure our success, or lack of success, and a realistic timeline for withdrawing out troops. This administration has failed to make tough choices about our military priorities. I support transformation of our armed forces into a more mobile, flexible force that can take on a wide variety of missions, from combat to peacekeeping, from hurricane relief to securing weapons of mass destruction. Our country cannot afford to maintain our current Cold War structure and outdated weapons systems while fully transforming into a modern force.
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Drug War
Despite the flurry of government activity, and the expenditure of billions
of taxpayer dollars, to reduce the use of illegal drugs, their use in the
United States has not been significantly reduced. I am convinced that our
approach focuses far too much on trying to stem the supply of illegal drugs
and far too little on treatment and rehabilitation.
I am also concerned about how our government has conducted its international
War on Drugs. One particular concern I have is our government’s efforts
in Colombia and other nations to use military aid to try to shut down the supply
of drugs. Many times this military aid ends up being misused by corrupt individuals
and groups to terrorize those participating in trade unions, farm collectives
and political opposition, rather than to fight drug traffickers.
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Fast Track Trade Negotiating Authority
I am highly skeptical about fast track negotiating authority. Previous grants of fast track authority have resulted in trade agreements sorely lacking in human rights, environmental protection and workers rights provisions. Because fast track was granted, these agreements were not amendable by the Congress. Unless fast track authority clearly identifies these basic standards as minimum requirements for any agreement, I am likely to vote against providing fast track authority to any President.
The role trade agreements play is an important issue that has appropriately emerged as a national and international debate. The terms on which we conduct international trade are vital to answering some of the most fundamental questions about what our nation and the world will be like in the next century. I strongly believe that human rights, environmental protection and workers rights must be included as part of any trade negotiations and agreements.
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Sudan
In 2004, the United States Congress declared, in unanimous resolutions, that the atrocities in Darfur, in which as many as 400,000 civilians have been killed and more than 2.5 million displaced, constituted ongoing genocide backed by the Sudanese government.
The United States should be a leader in an international effort to provide the necessary support for humanitarian aid and peacekeeping forces. As a Member of Congress, I have strongly supported efforts to respond to this crisis, including legislation calling on the U.N. Security Council to approve a trained and adequate Darfur peacekeeping mission; an emergency appropriation increasing funding of the African Union peacekeepers by $50 million dollars; and directing the President to block the assets of, and deny visas and U.S. entry to, any individual associated with acts of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity in Sudan.
I will continue to support efforts to end the atrocities and provide humanitarian assistance to the people in Darfur.
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Iraq
The Administration’s actions regarding Iraq have seriously undermined the trust of the American public in their government, and have significantly damaged our nation’s standing in the world. As your representative in Congress, I have taken numerous actions to hold the Administration accountable and to demand meaningful Congressional oversight over our actions in Iraq.
As President Bush began making his case for invading Iraq, I was one of the first Members of Congress to declare my opposition to the war, months prior to the vote in Congress to authorize it. I was one of 133 Members of the House of Representatives who voted against the resolution authorizing the President to use force against Iraq. As I weighed the evidence offered by the Bush Administration in support of the resolution, I reached the conclusion that even if everything they said was true, the United States was not in any imminent danger from the threats posed by Iraq. And absent an imminent threat, this would be a war of choice, not a war of necessity. In other words, the United States would be embracing a preemptive strike policy. I believe that the United States must renounce its preemptive war policy, as it undermines our moral authority and sets a dangerous precedent. President Kennedy had this to say about use of America’s military force: “The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war … We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.”
Following the Congressional authorization for use of force in Iraq—but before the war began—I wrote President Bush a letter, signed by 21 of my colleagues, in which I noted that it is important that this Administration have an exit strategy prior to placing our troops in harm’s way. I went on to ask, “Under what circumstances will our military occupation of (and financial commitment to) Iraq end? And how will we know when these circumstances are present?” Unfortunately, I never received a response to these questions, and neither have the American people.
The war has cost more than $320 billion so far. I have heard from many parents who see clearly that it is their children and grandchildren who will pay the cost of this war. In our system of checks and balances, it is the Congress that controls the nation’s purse strings. Therefore, Congress must use its war appropriations powers to leverage action, information and cooperation from this Administration. I believe that Congress must demand, as a condition of passing any war spending bills, that the Administration clarify that the United States does not permit or condone torture of prisoners or detainees and that the President articulate a clear exit strategy from Iraq.
The war has also cost the lives of more than 2,600 American soldiers and has resulted in the disability and injury of tens of thousands more. The levels of death and violence visited upon innocent Iraqi civilians have also increased. In 2006, an average of 40 Iraqi civilians are killed each day. I have visited injured servicemen and women at Walter Reed Army Hospital and attended the funerals of fallen soldiers in Wisconsin. I have spent time with and heard from hundreds of constituents with loved ones in harms way. Let me be clear: the troops have my unequivocal support and respect. I know that American troops have performed their mission with courage and honor. The regime of Saddam Hussein has been toppled. The Iraqi people have adopted a constitution and elected a Parliament. It is now time for the Iraqi people to govern Iraq. Only Iraqis can bring democracy and freedom to Iraq and according to recent polls conducted in Iraq, over 80 percent of Iraqis want U.S. forces out of Iraq. I believe that American troops should be redeployed from Iraq as soon as possible.
Floor Statement of Congresswoman Baldwin on the Resolution to Use Force in Iraq
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Land Mine Ban
I am strongly in favor of having the United States sign and ratify the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty. Land mines are a horrible legacy that has been left in war torn regions. They punish innocent civilians years after war has ended. Despite heightened awareness combined with the best efforts of local governments and the international community, 2000 deaths and casualties due to land mines still occur each month. The United Nations estimates up to 120 million mines remain buried, at a clearance cost of $30 billion dollars.
I am disappointed that the United States has not joined most of the world community as a signatory to the Mine Ban Treaty. However, I will continue to urge the Bush Administration to sign and comply with this treaty. In addition, it is critical that the United States continue to provide funding for land mine removal.
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Middle East
In so many ways, the political, diplomatic and military situation in the Middle East is vexing. I strongly support Israel’s right to defend itself against terrorist attacks. I likewise recognize that mounting a military defense against Hezbollah terrorists in urban settings is impossible to do without causing the loss of innocent civilian life, damage to civilian infrastructure and a humanitarian crisis.
I believe that it is important that the United States examine what it can do to end the violence in Lebanon, Israel, Gaza and the West Bank, in additional to commenting on what the states and actors in the region are doing.
All sides need to take immediate steps to break the cycle of violence so that long-term peace negotiations can resume. Each side must assume responsibility for stopping the escalation of violence and retaliation. No one in the region is going to feel secure until real progress is made on a long-term resolution to the many issues that divide Israel, the Palestinians and other countries in the region.
I value the close relationship between the United States and Israel that has developed over the last half century. It is clear that the State of Israel has become an integral part of the Middle East and normalizing relations between Israel and its neighbors is critically important to future economic development and security in the region.
Addressing the plight of the Palestinian people must be a part of any long-term solution. It is simply unacceptable for the Palestinian people to spend another fifty years living in refugee camps. Creating political stability is a prerequisite for developing economic opportunity and hope for the future.
I believe that strong support for a Middle East peace process is clearly in the best interest of the United States. As we have under previous administrations, the United States should play a leadership role in working constructively to secure a permanent peace in the Middle East.
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National Missile Defense
I oppose the development of a national missile defense (NMD) system. Although
I am concerned about the potential threat that intercontinental ballistic
missiles (ICBMs) pose, I do not believe it wise to decide to deploy such
a system in a vacuum. Before we make a decision to deploy a national missile
defense system, we need to ensure that the system has been demonstrated to
be operationally effective; that it does not diminish the overall national
security by jeopardizing other efforts to reduce threats to the U.S., (including
negotiated reductions in Russian nuclear armaments); and is fiscally responsible
within the context of our defense budget.
The technology required for an effective NMD has not yet proven effective.
After more than 40 years, intercepting warheads still remains a major technological
hurdle. Recent testing of missile defenses has produced only four successes
out of 18 tries. We have spent more than $50 billion on technology that still
does not work. There is also a real question as to whether a missile defense
will protect us from nuclear terrorism. As we have learned, terrorist attacks
are much more likely to be delivered by airplanes or automobiles than by intercontinental
ballistic missiles.
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Nuclear Weapons
Limiting the threat of nuclear war should be one of our highest defense priorities. I believe engagement with nations that have or are developing nuclear capability (including Iran, India, Pakistan, China and North Korea) is the best way to prevent the development and use of nuclear weapons.
I strongly support the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) objectives to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons technology, to promote co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and to further the goal of achieving nuclear disarmament. I am a cosponsor of a resolution that reaffirms congressional support for the NPT and expresses support for appropriate measures to strengthen it.
I believe the U.S. – India nuclear deal sends the wrong signal to the world about our commitment to nonproliferation. This agreement could undermine our attempts to prevent a country (such as Iran) that has signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, from developing enrichment technologies if we create exemptions from nuclear proliferation laws for India, a nation that has refused to sign the treaty. Further, it could weaken restrictions on nuclear suppliers, and could give justification to a country (such as China) to supply to non-signatories of the NPT, like Pakistan.
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School of the Americas/WHISEC
I believe we should close the Army’s School of the Americas, renamed the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHISEC). The United States should not be in the business of training military personnel in techniques that could be used for torture, murder and political repression.
To this day, U.S. and Latin American human rights organizations, as well as journalists, continue to document SOA graduates implicated in human rights violations and other criminal acts. I believe that Congressional action to close this training center for repression and human rights violations is long overdue.
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Tibet
I am very concerned about the ongoing oppression of the Tibetan people by
the Chinese Government. Chinese human rights abuses are well documented.
The most recent U.S. human rights report finds that China’s “record
of respect for religious freedom in Tibet [has] deteriorated,” political
dissent is “not tolerated at any time,” and dissent is “promptly
and forcibly suppressed.” A recent Amnesty International report found
that torture is used routinely.
It is clear to me that Chinese actions in Tibet violate international standards
of human rights. The United States must pressure China to respect the autonomy
of Tibet and end its crackdown on religious expression.
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United Nations
I support the active involvement of the United States as a leading member of the United Nations. As the world becomes increasingly interdependent through global trade, travel, and expanded communications, it is critical that nations find ways to work together cooperatively to enhance peace and security, promote global health, exchange information, and provide educational opportunities.
Since the United States led the effort to create the United Nations after World War II, the UN has achieved some very important successes. For example, The World Health Organization, a UN entity, led the successful effort to eliminate the scourge of smallpox. Due to its efforts, this fatal disease was eradicated in 1977. And now we are just a year or two away from eliminating polio, as well.
The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) works worldwide to protect children from exploitation and abuse, and helps build a world where the rights of every child are realized. In addition, United Nations peacekeeping efforts in Cyprus, the Sinai, El Salvador, and Namibia are just some of the very successful peacekeeping operations that the UN has conducted.
Earlier this year, the UN General Assembly voted to create the Human Rights Council (HRC), which will be responsible for promoting universal respect for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all. The new council will replace the Human Rights Commission, which has been criticized as ineffective and lacking accountability. The new HRC will hold at least three sessions a year, and its members would undergo a review of their human rights record. I believe that the HRC is a clear improvement over the previous commission, offering tools to enforce high standards for human rights.
I am disappointed that the Bush Administration decided not to seek a seat on the HRC for the United States. This is a lost opportunity for the U.S. to continue our over 50 year old effort to use the UN as a mechanism to promote and protect human rights globally. If the UN is to become a more effective force in securing international peace, greater U.S. leadership and participation will be required.
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Sweatshop Labor
As a member of the Congressional International Workers Rights Caucus, which works to improve international working conditions, I believe that the United States must be a leader in raising working standards around the world. Exploitation of working men, women, and children in sweatshops and other unsafe working environments is wrong.
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