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ABOVE: Tammy holds a press conference while in Israel as part of a congressional delegation. Our role and leadership in the world matters: America is the lone superpower in an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world. Along with that awesome and unprecedented power comes responsibilities to humankind and to the planet itself. America’s reason for maintaining her superpower status must be to export the best of our democratic system of governance and the hope of the American Dream to the rest of the world. But these cherished ideals can’t be exported through force. We must teach and lead by example. Consequently, being a superpower involves more than having the most powerful military in the world. We cannot be the most powerful nation on earth by having the best weaponry, if the people’s needs are neglected. Nor can we lead by example until we recommit to the basic values of peace, human rights and freedom. We must recognize that many of the challenges we face as a nation are global in nature, and that America cannot run from those challenges, nor can we tackle them alone. Teaching by example means modeling the behaviors we want others to emulate. We must respect the rule of law. We must respect civil rights and liberties and we must advance equality of opportunity. We must stand firmly for human rights renouncing in all circumstances torture, assassinations and kidnappings as political tools, illegal detention, cruel and unusual punishment and the death penalty. The United States of America must renounce the doctrine of preemption, once again promising the world that we will work to build a world of peace where, in the words of President John F. Kennedy, “the weak are safe and the strong are just.”
If we want other nations to work cooperatively to address our world’s threats, challenges and conflicts, we must do the same. We must build up institutions that draw on the input and resources of all nations to solve our global problems. We must act collaboratively. After Cyclone Nargis devastated much of Burma and left more than 130,000 people dead or missing in May 2008, the human rights situation in this country deteriorated. In the days after the cyclone hit, Burma’s isolationist regime delayed the entry of United Nations planes delivering medicine and rejected the United States’ offer of assistance.
I believe the U.S. must continue to highlight the terrible human rights abuses occurring in Burma, including torture, forced labor, arbitrary arrest, child labor, rape and murder. I support the full range of U.S. sanctions against the ruling regime unit until it ends human rights abuses. I am proud of the efforts of activists throughout the United States and the world to draw attention to the plight of the Burmese people, and especially proud that the Free Burma Coalition had its roots in Wisconsin.
I believe that the United States should continue to engage China in an ongoing dialogue. America’s interests should not be limited to economic concerns, and should broadly reflect our democratic values of free speech, freedom of religion, the right to privacy, and the right to organize.
Colombia is a top recipient of U.S. foreign aid after Israel and Egypt. In spite of this aid, the Colombian government has made no serious efforts to disband right-wing paramilitary groups. Aid to Colombia must be directed to address the humanitarian crisis, the economic crisis, and to support democratic accountability. I believe that our military aid only results in more violence in Colombia. I will continue to work closely with Colombian human rights activists, like the Madison-based Colombia Support Network, to develop a sensible U.S. policy in Colombia. We need a policy focused on helping the people, not escalating the violence. I will oppose additional military aid under the current circumstances.
I believe that the United States, in conjunction with the U.N., must make greater strides to bring the crisis to an end, and I have continually supported efforts aimed at achieving this goal. I supported legislation calling on the U.N. Security Council to approve a trained and adequate Darfur peacekeeping mission; emergency appropriations increasing funding of the African Union peacekeepers; and legislation directing the President to block the assets of, and deny visas and U.S. entry to, any individual associated with acts of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity in Sudan. I will continue to support efforts to end the atrocities and provide humanitarian assistance to the people in Darfur.
The House-passed version of the Fiscal Year 2009 Defense Authorization Act will set our annual defense spending at $612.5 billion, including $70 billion for war-related costs. This does not include supplemental war funding not yet – but anticipated to be – requested by the Administration, and not yet appropriated by Congress, so the overall estimate for defense spending in fiscal year 2009 is $706 billion. We now spend just shy of a million dollars a minute, 24 hours a day, 365 days a year on defense spending. Not only is our current defense budget a record, it also is nearly as large as the defense budgets of every other country in the world combined. According to estimates by the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation, all nations except for the United States are spending a total of $761.1 billion. This includes our NATO allies. I take extremely seriously my oath of office that obligates me to provide for the protection of the American people. Ensuring our common defense is critical, but like other federal government programs, we are bound to ensure that each dollar is spent wisely. The Fiscal Year 2007 Defense Authorization Act required the President’s budget to include a request for estimated full year costs of operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and a detailed justification of the funds. This was an appropriate and much-needed Congressional oversight of nearly $700 billion in supplemental funding requests outside the standard budget request and justification procedures – reckless fiscal behavior to match reckless war policy.
I am a strong supporter of fully funding the Millennium Challenge Account and other aid programs, such as the Food for Peace Program, that help the poorest nations. The Millennium Challenge Account provides support for developing countries that promote democracy and the rule of law, invest in their citizens, and pursue free-market economic policies. I also support international microcredit models like Dr. Muhammad Yunus’ Grameen Bank. Dr. Yunus was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 for developing an economically feasible model of extending very small loans, at competitive interest rates, to the very poor. For the past thirty years, this model has changed millions of lives and been emulated around the globe. I also support increasing debt relief, development assistance and health care funding for sub-Saharan Africa. According to the World Bank, the 58 most indebted countries owed $426 billion to foreign creditors in 2004. To repay the loans, these countries are forced to eliminate important investments in schools, health care, roads, communications and agriculture that are essential for economic development. In addition, these nations have faced falling commodity prices that have undermined their ability to repay their debts. The average African country spends twice as much on debt repayment as they spend on providing health care.
I am deeply concerned about the potential problems facing individuals seeking to adopt orphaned children from countries that are not members of the Hague Convention. I fully support dialogue at the highest levels to assist these countries in moving forward to establish a Hague-compliant adoption system that will be in the best interest of orphaned children. According to many accounts, the Bush Administration and others in the Pentagon are actively pursuing plans to take military action against Iran. We know based on previous experience that President Bush has used seemingly innocuous resolutions as a basis for asserting Congressional support for going to war in Iraq. I cannot and will not vote for legislation that would appear to condone military action against Iran. While I feel that any threat imposed by Iran must be addressed swiftly and skillfully, I believe that it is vital that our country first employ diplomatic, not militaristic, measures. In addition, I firmly believe that the President cannot legally initiate military action against Iran without first coming to Congress for authorization.
As you are likely aware, approximately 170,000 Hmong currently reside in the United States in such areas as Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Rhode Island, and approximately 270 Hmong refugees have resettled so far in Dane County. Many Hmong-Americans have family members who are still in Southeast Asia who are currently in Thai detention facilities awaiting resettlement. I believe that the United States must remain committed to recognizing the service of the Hmong people and providing a safe haven for Hmong refugees. I will continue to support efforts to address violence against members of the Hmong community in Laos and Thailand.
I value the close relationship between the United States and Israel that has developed over the last half century. It is clear that the State of Israel has become an integral part of the Middle East and normalizing relations between Israel and its neighbors is critically important to future economic development and security in the region. Addressing the plight of the Palestinian people must be a part of any long-term solution. It is simply unacceptable for the Palestinian people to spend another fifty years living in refugee camps. Creating political stability is a prerequisite for developing economic opportunity and hope for the future. All sides need to take immediate steps to break the cycle of violence so that long-term peace negotiations can resume. Each side must assume responsibility for stopping the escalation of violence and retaliation. No one in the region is going to feel secure until real progress is made on a long-term resolution to the many issues that divide Israel, the Palestinians and other countries in the region. I believe that strong support for a Middle East peace process is clearly in the best interest of the United States. As we have under previous administrations, the United States should play a leadership role in working constructively to secure a permanent peace in the Middle East.
I strongly support the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) objectives to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons technology, to promote cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and to further the goal of achieving nuclear disarmament.
To this day, U.S. and Latin American human rights organizations, as well as journalists, continue to document SOA graduates implicated in human rights violations and other criminal acts. I believe that Congressional action to close this training center for repression and human rights violations is long overdue.
That said, I have been repeatedly disappointed by recent trade agreements. I believe that our nation rushes into free trade agreements without taking the necessary care to assess the impact on our own workforce and the impact on the welfare of the population and environment of the foreign countries. I support a strong and healthy American manufacturing sector – our country’s economic success has been built in large part by our ability to make efficient, useful, quality products. Our technology industry, likewise, was critical to the economic boom of the 1990s. I believe that recent trade pacts have contributed to our loss of manufacturing jobs and high-tech IT positions, hurt our nation’s trade competitiveness, and caused many corporations to relocate overseas, taking jobs with them.
I also am highly skeptical about fast track negotiating authority. Previous grants of fast track authority have resulted in trade agreements sorely lacking in human rights, environmental protection and workers rights provisions. Because fast track was granted, these agreements were not amendable by the Congress. Unless fast track authority clearly identifies these basic standards as minimum requirements for any agreement, I am likely to vote against providing fast track authority to any President. Since the United States led the effort to create the United Nations after World War II, the UN has achieved some very important successes. For example, The World Health Organization, a UN entity, led the successful effort to eliminate the scourge of smallpox. Due to its efforts, this fatal disease was eradicated in 1977. And now we are just a year or two away from eliminating polio, as well. In addition, the UN is credited with negotiating 172 peaceful settlements that have ended regional conflicts, as well as enabling people in over 45 countries to participate in free and fair elections. The UN is not a perfect organization, but I firmly believe that it is still a vital institution and an important tool of U.S. foreign policy. If the UN is to become an effective force in securing international peace, then more U.S. leadership and participation will be required, not less. U.S. participation in UN reform must continue to make it as effective as possible to meet the threats of today.
I also am concerned about how our government has conducted its international War on Drugs. Of particular concern are our government’s efforts in Colombia and other nations to use military aid to try to shut down the supply of drugs. Many times this military aid ends up being misused by corrupt individuals and groups to terrorize those participating in trade unions, farm collectives and political opposition, rather than to fight drug traffickers. |
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